Forty-one years ago today, Liberia was plunged into another horrifying
chapter of its troubled political history when former Commanding General of the
Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL), General Thomas Quiwonkpa, launched an armed
incursion into the country from neighboring Sierra Leone in an attempt to
overthrow the government of Head of State Samuel K. Doe.
What began as an abortive military intervention on November 12, 1985,
would unleash a devastating chain of violence, vengeance, ethnic persecution,
arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings, and widespread destruction whose
painful consequences would reverberate across generations of Liberians.
The invasion initially caught the Doe government
by surprise. Government officials were arrested, subjected to degrading
treatment, stripped naked, brutalized, and detained at the BTC military
barracks. However, within hours, forces loyal to President-elect Doe regained
control, overpowered the invading forces, and released the detainees.
What followed was an even more horrifying descent into reprisal and
collective punishment.
Rather than allowing the rule of law to prevail,
government loyalists unleashed a campaign of retaliatory violence against
persons suspected of sympathizing with or supporting General Quiwonkpa.
Opposition politicians were rounded up and detained, while innocent civilians
became targets of indiscriminate reprisals.
Hundreds of people reportedly lost their lives in the ensuing bloodbath.
Homes were torched, properties looted, families displaced, and communities
subjected to terror. General Quiwonkpa was eventually captured and brutally
killed, and his lifeless remains were publicly displayed at the BTC military
barracks in a spectacle that symbolized the depths to which political vengeance
and human indignity had descended.
Among the casualties was Charles Gbeyon, a distinguished journalist of
the Liberia Broadcasting System, whose death further underscored the
vulnerability of journalists and independent voices in an environment where
political dissent and perceived opposition could attract fatal consequences.
These were not merely isolated incidents of
political violence. They represented another manifestation of a deeply
entrenched culture of impunity in which political power was repeatedly asserted
through the barrel of the gun, human lives were sacrificed on the altar of
political ambition, and justice was subordinated to the whims of those wielding
state authority.
A NATION TRAPPED IN THE RECURRING CYCLE OF BLOODSHED
The tragedy of November 12, 1985, cannot be understood in isolation from
the preceding episodes of political violence that had already scarred the
Liberian nation.
On April 14, 1979, President William R. Tolbert's government violently
suppressed a mass demonstration in Monrovia against the proposed increase in
the price of rice. What should have been an expression of legitimate public
grievances ended in a massacre, with more than one hundred people reportedly
killed and hundreds injured. The dead were buried in mass graves, while
accountability for the killings remained elusive.
Barely one year later, on April 12, 1980, seventeen enlisted members of
the Armed Forces of Liberia, under the banner of the People's Redemption
Council (PRC), overthrew the Tolbert government. President Tolbert was brutally
assassinated, and the country entered another dark period of military
authoritarianism, as was the case with the late President E.J. Roye in 1871.
On April 22, 1980, thirteen senior officials of the deposed government
were publicly executed at South Beach behind the BTC barracks, where the
Unification Park was constructed as a memorial, following proceedings that fell
profoundly short of minimum standards of due process and fair trial. Their
executions were followed by further persecution, arbitrary detention, and
violence against individuals associated with the former administration.
In 1981, another tragic episode unfolded when General Thomas Weh-Syen,
then Vice Chairman of the PRC, and other members of the military leadership
were accused of plotting against Head of State Samuel Doe. They were arrested
and executed. Their alleged supporters and associates subsequently faced
persecution and reprisals.
By 1983, the uneasy relationship between Head of State Doe and General
Quiwonkpa had deteriorated beyond repair. Following his dismissal as Commanding
General of the AFL and the escalating political tensions surrounding his
position, Quiwonkpa fled Liberia. Two years later, he returned with an armed group,
the National Patriotic Forces, to challenge the Doe government, setting the
stage for the November 12 tragedy and its devastating aftermath.
These successive episodes reveal a disturbing historical pattern: one
administration gives way to another through violence; those perceived as loyal
to the previous order become targets of vengeance; ethnic and political
identities become instruments of suspicion; and perpetrators of grave
violations frequently escape accountability.
The tragedy is not simply that Liberia experienced repeated bloodshed.
It is that successive generations were made to endure violence without the
assurance that justice would ever be served. So it was with the 1984 military attack
on the University of Liberia by the Doe combatants that saw students,
professors, staff, and even marketeers were attacked, killed, raped, maimed,
and incapacitated, and neighboring environs terrorised.
THE PRICE OF IMPUNITY AND THE FAILURE OF HISTORICAL ACCOUNTABILITY
The Office for the Establishment of War and
Economic Crimes Court in Liberia (OWECC-L) observes that the events of November
12, 1985, and their aftermath constitute an important part of the historical
record of grave violations that must neither be forgotten nor distorted.
The Liberian experience demonstrates that when unlawful killings,
torture, political persecution, ethnic reprisals and other serious human rights
violations are left unaddressed, the wounds of society do not simply disappear
with the passage of time. Instead, they become inherited grievances, intergenerational trauma,
unresolved demands for justice and fertile ground for future instability.
The failure to hold perpetrators accountable does not erase the crimes.
Neither does the passage of decades extinguish the dignity of victims or
diminish the legitimate claims of survivors and affected communities.
Equally important, accountability must never be
confused with collective punishment. No ethnic community should bear the guilt
of crimes committed by individuals, military formations or political
authorities. The responsibility for violations must be established through
credible investigations, evidence and fair judicial proceedings.
All Liberians deserve recognition as citizens whose rights, dignity and
security are equally protected by the State. The same principle applies to
every Liberian community that has suffered persecution, violence or historical
marginalization.
WHY THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE WAR AND ECONOMIC
CRIMES COURT MATTERS
It is against this painful historical background
that the establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court for Liberia assumes
profound national significance. The Court is not intended to reopen old
wounds for political convenience, settle ethnic
scores, or provide an avenue for revenge. In fact, there are no old wounds in
the first place. Its fundamental purpose is to advance justice, establish
accountability for grave violations, recognize victims, preserve historical
truth, and strengthen the foundations of a peaceful and democratic society.
For too long, Liberia's history has been punctuated by atrocities whose
victims have waited in vain for justice. Mothers have buried children without
knowing whether those responsible would ever answer for their actions. Families
have lived with unanswered questions about missing relatives. Survivors have
carried the physical, psychological and emotional scars of violence, while
perpetrators have often enjoyed the privileges of political protection and
impunity. This must not remain Liberia's inheritance.
OWECC-L therefore reaffirms its commitment to the historical
documentation, preservation and protection of evidence relating to Liberia's
conflicts and the serious violations committed during the country's troubled
past.
The preservation of historical records, testimonies, photographs,
audiovisual materials, newspapers and other documentary evidence is
indispensable to establishing an accurate national historical record and
supporting credible accountability processes.
History must be documented, evidence must be protected, victims must be
heard, and the truth must be allowed to stand, irrespective of whose interests
it challenges. Memories must be visible through the participation of all
persons, victims and others, and not in relation to age.
A CALL FOR NATIONAL REFLECTION AND HISTORICAL CONSCIENCE
As Liberia remembers November 12, 1985, OWECC-L calls upon the Executive,
the Legislature, the Judiciary, traditional authorities, religious
institutions, civil society organizations, the media, the academic community
and all Liberians to reflect soberly on the consequences of a political and
governance culture that repeatedly elevated vengeance above justice and ethnic
allegiance above national citizenship. We must resist every attempt to
romanticize military adventurism, justify atrocities on the grounds of
political loyalty, or assign collective blame to communities because of the
actions of individuals.
No political grievance justifies the slaughter of innocent civilians. No
military victory confers the right to humiliate, torture, or summarily execute
prisoners. No allegation of treason removes the obligation of the State to
guarantee due process. And no individual or institution should be above the
law.
The memory of November 12 must therefore serve
as a solemn reminder that the preservation of peace requires more than the
absence of war. It requires justice, accountability, reconciliation, respect
for human dignity, and institutions capable of protecting every citizen without
discrimination.
Liberia cannot afford another generation
condemned to inherit the unfinished business of the past.
Today, we remember General Thomas Quiwonkpa and all those who perished
during the November 12 invasion and its aftermath. We remember Charles Gbeyon
and the countless unnamed civilians whose lives were extinguished in the
ensuing violence. We remember the families whose homes were destroyed, whose
loved ones disappeared, and whose dignity was violated.
We also remember the victims of April 14, 1979,
April 12 and April 22, 1980, the 1981 political executions, the 1984 military invasion
of the University of Liberia, and the countless other victims of
state-sponsored and politically motivated violence throughout our national
history.
Their lives must not be reduced to footnotes in Liberia's history books. Their suffering must not be
rendered meaningless by silence. Their memory must become a national commitment
to justice.
November 12, 1985, must never be remembered
merely as the day an invasion failed. It must rather be remembered as a day
when the failure of political tolerance, the triumph of reprisal and the
absence of accountability exacted another devastating price from the Liberian
people.
As we reflect on this painful anniversary, OWECC-L remains resolute in
its conviction that sustainable peace cannot be built upon forgotten
atrocities, selective remembrance, or the convenient burial of historical
truths.
There can be no enduring reconciliation without truth, no meaningful
justice without accountability, and no lasting peace without confronting the
painful realities of our shared past.
Never again must Liberia become a theatre of political vengeance, ethnic
persecution and impunity. The past must
be confronted. the victims must be remembered. justice must prevail.
A CALL FOR
SUBSTANTIVE ACTION
LIBERIA
CANNOT AFFORD ANYTHING SHORT OF INSTITUTING THE NECESSARY MECHANISMS TO ADDRESS
IMPUNITY AND HOLD PERPETRATORS OF WAR CRIMES TO ACCOUNT. THEREFORE,
OWECC-L CALLS ON THE HONORABLE LIBERIAN LEGISLATURE TO AVOID ANY FURTHER DELAYS
IN ENACTING THE WECC AND NACC BILLS AND ESTABLISHING THE TWO COURTS FOR THE
GOOD OF ALL.